语言与文字

汉语量词辖域的句法-语义启动——以全称量词和存在量词共现句为例

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  • 安徽大学 文学院
胡冬雨(1994—),女,安徽宿州人,安徽大学文学院硕士研究生,主要从事语言学及应用语言学研究。

收稿日期: 2020-03-30

  网络出版日期: 2020-10-29

基金资助

国家社科基金重大项目(项目编号:18ZDA032)

The Syntax-Semantic Priming in the Scope of Chinese Quantifiers: Taking the Co-occurrence Sentence of the Universal Quantifier and the Existential Quantifier as an Example

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  • College of Liberal Arts, Anhui University

Received date: 2020-03-30

  Online published: 2020-10-29

摘要

可接受性测试显示,“每”“某”共现句“某”宽域解读突显,“每”“一”共现句“一”窄域解读突显,且后者辖域解读偏向程度更高。语义和句式对汉语全称量词与存在量词共现句的辖域均有启动效应,启动效应表现为对相反解读的抑制。“每”“一”共现句的理解机制反映了汉语量词的相关解读机制。

本文引用格式

胡冬雨, 彭家法 . 汉语量词辖域的句法-语义启动——以全称量词和存在量词共现句为例[J]. 巢湖学院学报, 2020 , 22(5) : 134 -139 . DOI: 10.12152/j.issn.1672-2868.2020.05.018

Abstract

The acceptability test finds that the wide scope interpretation of mou (which means some)is prominent in the co-occurrence sentence of mei (which means every) and mou; the narrow scope interpretation of yi (which means one) is prominent in the co-occurrence sentence of mei and yi, and the scope interpretation of the sentence of mei and yi is more partial. Semantic content and sentence pattern both have priming effects on the scope of the Chinese co-occurrence sentence of universal quantifiers and existential quantifiers, and the priming effect appears to inhibit the opposite interpretation. The comprehension mechanism of co-occurrence sentences of mei and yi reflects the relevant interpretation mechanism of Chinese quantifiers.
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